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Fateful Triangle - Tanvi Madan


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      FATEFUL TRIANGLE

       How China Shaped U.S.-India Relations during the Cold War

      TANVI MADAN

      BROOKINGS INSTITUTION PRESS

       Washington, D.C.

      Copyright © 2020

      THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION

      1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036

       www.brookings.edu

      All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Brookings Institution Press.

      The Brookings Institution is a private nonprofit organization devoted to research, education, and publication on important issues of domestic and foreign policy. Its principal purpose is to bring the highest quality independent research and analysis to bear on current and emerging policy problems. Interpretations or conclusions in Brookings publications should be understood to be solely those of the authors.

      Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

      Names: Madan, Tanvi, author.

      Title: Fateful triangle : how China shaped U.S.-India relations during the Cold War / Tanvi Madan.

      Description: Washington, D.C. : Brookings Institution Press, [2020]

      Identifiers: LCCN 2019026909 (print) | LCCN 2019026910 (ebook) | ISBN 9780815737711 (paperback) | ISBN 9780815737728 (epub)

      Subjects: LCSH: United States—Foreign relations—India. | India—Foreign relations—United States. | United States—Foreign relations—China. | China—Foreign relations—United States. | United States—Foreign relations—1945-1989. | Cold War.

      Classification: LCC E183.8.I4 M235 2020 (print) | LCC E183.8.I4 (ebook) | DDC 327.73054—dc23

      LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019026909

      LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019026910

      9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

      Typeset in ITC Berkeley Oldstyle and Hypatia Sans Pro

      Composition by Electronic Quill Publishing Services

       To Mummy, Papa, and Nidhi

      Contents

      1  Acknowledgments

      2  Introduction

      3  PART I. DIVERGENCE

      4  1. The Orientation in the Orient (1949–1952)

      5  2. Why So Wary? (1953–1956)

      6  PART II. CONVERGENCE

      7  3. The Pandit and the President (1956–1958)

      8  4. Semi-detached Ally? (1959–1962)

      9  PART III. DEPENDENCE AND DISILLUSIONMENT

      10  5. Bread or Bombs (1963–1965)

      11  6. Playing It a Bit Cooler (1965–1968)

      12  PART IV. DISENGAGEMENT

      13  7. Fluid New World (1969–1972)

      14  8. Looking Both Ways (1973–1979)

      15  Conclusion

      16  Notes

      17  Bibliography

      18  Index

      Acknowledgments

      This book’s origin story lies at the Lyndon B. Johnson Library in Austin, Texas. Perusing White House papers, I was struck that officials, including the president, kept mentioning China while discussing India. Much had been written about India-Pakistan hyphenation from that era. But while India-China hyphenation is common in Washington today, there had been little mention of American policymakers viewing India through a China prism during the Cold War. I was intrigued. And I wanted to know if the Johnson administration discussions were a one-off and whether the linkage was one sided; that is, had policymakers in Delhi, too, connected India’s China and US relationships? Those questions started me on a journey toward a doctoral dissertation and eventually this book. It took a village to get me through this voyage, and to its denizens I am eternally grateful.

      At the LBJ School of Public Affairs at The University of Texas at Austin, I was fortunate to have a doctoral committee that gave me constructive feedback and support. Frank Gavin, Will Inboden, Mark Lawrence, Jim Steinberg, Jeremi Suri, and Kate Weaver’s guidance greatly enriched this work. Historians, political scientists, and policy practitioners, they gave me the space to pursue research that might not please a disciplinary purist but will hopefully contribute in its own way to the academic and policy worlds. A special thanks to Jim, who has been an adviser, boss, and mentor. He encouraged me to develop an expertise on India, which I had resisted in the quest to be a national security generalist, and challenged me to take on this project, which initially seemed too ambitious.

      I cannot say enough about the Brookings Institution, which has been my intellectual and professional home for several years and where I completed this project. Its scholars and staff are not just some of the smartest people I know, but also some of the nicest. I am grateful for their support and scholarship, as well as their friendship. I would particularly like to thank Strobe Talbott and Martin Indyk for showing immense faith in me as a young scholar and for their indispensable support. Bruce Jones, as head of the foreign policy program, has been very supportive of my work. Special thanks also to current and former colleagues Charlotte Baldwin, Megan Bradley, Fiona Hill, Margaret Humenay, Dhruva Jaishankar, Suzanne Maloney, Shivshankar Menon, Anna Newby, Natan Sachs, Kevin Scott, Tamara Wittes, Thomas Wright, and Constantino Xavier. In addition, I am grateful to Purwa Bansod, Neha Aggarwal, Hunter Marston, and Laura McGhee, whose support for the India Project at Brookings allowed me to focus on this book, and to Agni Mishra and Laura Mooney for helping me track down some hard-to-find sources.

      This project would not have been possible without the generosity of the Donald D. Harrington Fellows Program and the J. J. “Jake” Pickle Scholarship Program at UT-Austin, the LBJ Foundation, and the Brookings India Initiative Founders Circle. It would also not have been possible without the education that I received and the love for history that I developed thanks to teachers at some outstanding institutions—not just UT-Austin, but also Loreto Delhi, Lady Shri Ram College, and Yale University.

      This book has benefited from comments from three


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