The Power of Freedom. Mart LaarЧитать онлайн книгу.

      At the same time, it is often forgotten that there were at least two other countries that almost suffered the same fate at Stalin’s hands as the countries of Central and Eastern Europe; namely, Austria and Finland. What saved these countries from Communist domination has not yet been the subject of sufficient research – what is clear, however, is that it was not Stalin’s kindness. Stalin was furious when pro-Communist forces were defeated in the Austrian post-war elections in 1945. In Finland, his goal was first, to push pro-Communist forces into the government and then to move towards a takeover, although these plans ultimately failed. There were in fact several reasons why Austria and Finland were saved. One of them was that Finland was defeated in the Second World War but not conquered. Even though the Soviet presence was symbolised by their control of the Porkkala military base and by the Allied Control Commission run by the Soviet representative, Andrei Zhdanov, the Finnish army was clearly still in charge. Within society, there was a strong will to resist any Soviet takeover. In order to prepare for a possible partisan war against the Soviets, nationalist activists hid large amounts of weapons in special stores. The Finnish democratic system had survived the war, political parties were strong and organised, and the Social Democrats were capable of resisting Communist attempts to gain control over the trade unions. In 1948, Stalin nevertheless tried to force Finland onto the same route as Czechoslovakia. In February 1948, at the same time as Czechoslovakia’s fate was being sealed, Stalin demanded that Finland send a delegation to Moscow to conclude a ‘dependence’ pact similar to those he had signed with the new satellites. To make matters worse, the Norwegian foreign minister also received warnings that a Soviet request for a similar kind of treaty might be forthcoming. A month earlier, Stalin had expressed regret to visitors that he had not occupied Finland after the war out of ‘too much regard for the Americans.’ Now he seemed intent on rectifying that mistake, allowing the prominent Finnish Communist, Hertta Kuusinen, to declare publicly that Czechoslovakia’s road ‘must be our road.’59 But when the Finnish Communists tried to use the same tactics that had worked so well in Czechoslovakia, they found President Paasikivi to be very different to President Beneš. Paasikivi concentrated his armed forces on the capital and united all the political parties against the Communists. Any attempt at a takeover failed before it had even started and the Communists were heavily defeated in the next parliamentary elections.60 In Austria, the presence of Western forces played a significant role in undermining Soviet efforts, as did the strength of the Austrian Social Democrats, who crushed the Communists’ attempts to take over the Austrian trade unions. As a result, the so-called ‘October strikes’ organised by the Communists in 1950 failed and the Soviet leaders had to reject the Austrian Communists’ proposal to divide Austria into two parts, as had been done in Germany. Austrian democracy proved to be stronger than Communist pressure.

      The loss of Austria and Finland did not, however, trouble Stalin too greatly – he had enough work to do to accomplish his new Communist world system. On the orders of the Kremlin in 1947–1948, Central and Eastern Europe entered a new Stalinist phase that lasted until 1953. All pretences were discarded as Central and Eastern European countries were pushed into outright Sovietisation. Within a few years, all Central and Eastern European countries were forced to accept the political system then prevalent in the USSR. Institutional and ideological uniformity was demanded. All chinks in the armour of the Iron Curtain were to be sealed against Western influence. The Communists took power into their own hands. Pluralism and the last vestiges of democracy vanished. The independent press and public organisations were closed down and civil society was abolished. All the main features of Stalinism were to be ruthlessly enforced wherever they did not already exist. The only feature of pre-war democracy that survived in Central Europe was the empty shell of the multi-party system – completely controlled by the Communists, of course.

      The most obvious sign of Stalinism was the intensification of terror. This was manifested in an ongoing series of public and secret trials that adjudicated allegations of economic sabotage by former underground leaders in Poland and the ‘White Legion’ in Czechoslovakia. In the 1950s, for example, 244 people were executed on political charges in Czechoslovakia and a further 8,500 died as a result of torture or in prison. A minimum of 100,000 people were imprisoned for acts against the Communist state between 1948 and 1956. In Poland, repression affected no less than 350,000 to 400,000 people in the period leading up to 1956. Military courts alone sentenced 70,097 people for ‘crimes against the state’ between 1944 and 1953. Some 20,000 prisoners died due to the extremely harsh conditions.61 In Romania, five massive arrest campaigns were launched in 1947, targeting opposition party sympathisers and supporters. More than 100,000 people were to become victims of these actions. The leaders of opposition parties were arrested and condemned for ‘national treason’. The families of arrested persons were deprived of the most elementary means of survival and deported or administratively confined. In 1951, 417,916 people were kept under surveillance, 5,401 of whom were arrested for ‘hostile activity’.62 In East Germany, a new wave of repression was connected with the establishment of the German Democratic Republic. As a result of the dissolution of Soviet internment camps, around 5,000 people condemned by Soviet military tribunals were released and 10,000 ended up in East German prisons. A greater wave of political arrests took place between 1952 and 1953 as a result of the ‘intensification of the class struggle.’

      The growing number of arrests throughout the region resulted in the establishment of a system of concentration camps. In the early 1950s, there were 422 concentration camps in Czechoslovakia63 in which people were held under gruesome conditions. In 1950, the number of prisoners in such camps amounted to 32,638 men and women. Zbigniew Brzezinski identified 199 in Hungary and 97 in Poland. Many Central and Eastern European people were arrested by the Soviet authorities, interrogated, sentenced in the Soviet Union and sent to the GULAG. Some Central and Eastern European countries had their own ‘Siberia’ as well: the Danube-Black Sea Canal project in Romania employed prisoners and deported persons; in Poland, special units made up of political prisoners mined the most deadly coal shafts in Silesia; in Czechoslovakia, prisoners were sent to work in uranium mines – in December 1953, the number of people working there reached 16,100.64

      Another typical feature of Stalinism were the purges of the Communist parties in the conquered countries; the most violent of these took place in Bulgaria, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. According to Brzezinski, an average of one out of every four party members was purged in each of the East European parties.65 In Bulgaria, for example, nearly 100,00 °Communist Party members were under investigation between 1948 and 1953; many were imprisoned and some executed. Such purges were also organised in the Soviet Union’s ‘new territories’. In Estonia, a campaign was launched against the ‘bourgeois nationalists’ in 1950-1951; a number of leading Estonian Communists were removed from their positions and several of them were arrested and sent to the Siberian prison camps. The campaign also hit cultural circles. Most of the members of the Academy of Sciences were dismissed and creative unions underwent serious ‘clean-ups’. Repression was so severe that almost no new Estonian literature appeared from 1950 to 1952.66

      In addition to rank-and-file member purges, prominent Communists were also purged and some of them were subjected to public show trials. One of Stalin’s trustees in the region, the Bulgarian leader Gheorghi Dimitrov, announced, ‘it doesn’t matter what someone’s services and merits