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intelligence agent Mossad, hanged. The bathroom where the suicide occurred was allegedly locked from the inside, but this position is disputed by many authoritative sources. According to The Guardian, the ex-oligarch finds a broken rib.
Boris Berezovsky is buried according to Christian custom on a huge (350 thousand “places”) necropolis cemetery Brookwood (Surrey). The photo of the grave, which is represented here – all that is left of it in free use on the resource “Google”.
Private life. The first wife – Nina (Korotkova), the beginning of the seventies, two daughters. The second marriage – Galina (Besharova), 1991, daughter and son. In 1993, Galina went to the UK, filed for divorce and, thanks to the same English judicial system, reaches a record £ 200 million in compensation. The oligarch lives in a civil marriage with Elena Gorbunova, becomes the father of two more children and, in 2013, on a lawsuit from London, of course, pays, for all the feelings shown to him, a few million pounds more. Hobbies – theaters, restaurants, nightclubs.
From left to right: 1. Boris Yeltsin 2. Vladimir Putin 3. Alexy the Second, photo 1999
1. Boris Yeltsin. Birth – 1931, with. Bout of the Ural region (as it is quite usual then – in a family repressed and miraculously survived – peasant workers) … admission to the Ural Polytechnic Institute. S. Kirov… graduation from the university with the qualification “engineer-builder”. Theme of the thesis, if it is, you are interested in the friends – “Television towers”. In the trust “Uraltyazhtrubstroy” Boris Nikolayevich works as a joiner, concrete worker, plasterer, crane operator, foreman, foreman, site manager (1957). Since 1966, Yeltsin is the director of the Sverdlovsk House-Building Plant. After passing several more steps of the career ladder, the future President becomes secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU, responsible for the industrial development of the region, and later the first secretary of this regional committee. The post, approximately equal to the current situation of the governor, B. Yeltsin occupies until 1985. During this time, Boris Nikolaevich differs, in particular, by erecting the highest in the country, marble-covered 23-storey building of the regional committee of the CPSU (nicknamed “Tooth of Wisdom”) and, according to the decision of the Politburo, the demolition of the house of the Ipatievs (the place of execution of the royal family). In general, as an economic manager, B.N.E. shows itself not bad.
Since 1979, B. Yeltsin is a deputy to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. In 1981, he also became a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU. In 1985, on the recommendation of Yegor Ligachev, secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, a prominent figure in “perestroika”, Boris Nikolayevich was transferred to Moscow, as secretary of the Central Committee for Construction.
At the end of the same significant year, B.N.E. occupies the post of first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU. The company starts cleaning the Soviet and party apparatus (strange, but it’s really not the same thing), food fairs are organized, the demolition of historic buildings is prohibited, and the Day of the City begins to be celebrated. Also, Boris Yeltsin gets some popularity, and popularity among the people, thanks to demonstrative trips on public transport (followed by a swift “diving” into the official “Volga”), personal checks of shops, warehouses, etc. Since autumn 1987, the MP publicly criticizes the leadership of the party, the incipient “personality cult” of Mikhail Gorbachev, the slow pace of perestroika, and so on. A wave of counter criticism moves Yeltsin to “just” the post of USSR Minister for Construction. The next wave – the popular popularity, hears Boris Nikolayevich, through the step of the deputy from Moscow, to the heights of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. In May 1990, Boris Nikolayevich was elected chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. On June 12 of the same year, the Congress of People’s Deputies of the RSFSR adopted the Declaration on State Sovereignty of the RSFSR. This day, as is known, is now a state holiday of the Russian Federation. The political weight of Boris Yeltsin proper, in Russia, is rising. Exactly a month later BNE criticizes the party, Mikhail Gorbachev, and declares his withdrawal from the CPSU.
So, the start is given, and since August 1990, one after another, the republics of the USSR declare their sovereignty. Regions of the Russian Federation are broadcasting considerably, much more independence: the Komi, Adygea, Buryatia, the Gorno-Altaisk Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Chuvashia, the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, Tatarstan, and other national entities. The Russian Federation is on the verge of transformation into a confederation (such is, unusually for us, a loose one).
Be that as it may, MS Gorbachev wants to preserve the USSR – and, of course, with his post of President. The Fourth Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR (December 24, 1990) proposes a new draft of the Union Treaty.
In the meantime, ethnic Latvians, Lithuanians, do not want to wait for any bureaucratic procedures, and go to mass (50 thousand people) rallies. Only the faithful of the OMON are opposed to them. The assimilated, or simply apathetic Russians, do not show any noticeable activity. Bulky tanks when it comes to confronting such a continuous front, are not sufficient, reliable help. A total of six or ten people die, Latvia and Lithuania formally remain in the jurisdiction of the USSR, but… this is already an obvious wormhole in the body of the colossal state.
Boris Yeltsin sharply criticizes Gorbachev for the actions of the military, and suggests transferring all power to the Federation Council (the heads of the union republics). Slack response of Mikhail Sergeyevich – organization March 17, 1991 All-Union referendum on the renewal and preservation of the USSR. Yes, most citizens of the Soviet Union (except for the Baltic countries, Georgia, Moldova, Armenia) are “for”; but when such things are generally put to the vote, it is clear that, in any case, the final is close.
June 12, 1991, 57% of the votes “for”, Boris Yeltsin is elected President of Russia.
His first steps, it should be noted, seem quite reasonable. So, these are decrees “On Priority Measures for the Development of Education in the RSFSR” and “On the Termination of the Activity of the Organizational Structures of Political Parties and Mass Public Movements in State Bodies, Institutions and Organizations of the RSFSR”. Now, recall, there and there, in the executive state apparatus (which, it seems, should be neutral) is dominated by clearly expressed representatives of a particular party.
On August 20, the signing of the “Treaty on the Union of Sovereign States” is scheduled. The Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan are expected to be updated beyond recognition of the USSR; Later, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Ukraine and Turkmenistan could join them.
Representatives of the original party elite disagree with this. They (and many, many very many citizens of the USSR) like the former, standard, fateful, early Brezhnev kind of the great Soviet Union. As is known, they organize the State Committee for the State of Emergency (State Emergency Committee), from August 18 to 21 seize power… television… But, fellow citizens, there are simply no bright, respected persons in the composition of this Committee. Leave at least one of them out of yourself, say a word about the great future and the past, repent of your mistakes, renounce sin (Stalin’s system of one-man rule) cry sobbingly – it would probably work. But these people are trying to save face, act in the style of the KGB, officially-formally-rude – and, of course, lose.
Gorbachev is trying to stay away from all this, but, despite this cautious policy, is losing the post of President of the USSR. A little later, he completely dropped out of the political struggle, declining for permanent residence abroad.
So, the signing of the Union Treaty breaks down. Formed by the Yeltsin CIS – the Union of Independent States, an absolutely pragmatic union of the eight former republics of the Soviet Union.
Yeltsin forms decrees on price liberalization, free trade, etc. Yes, this contributes to the filling of the consumer market with goods. But, the policy of the Central Bank, the Office with unknown beneficiaries, since 1990, a private,