The New IQ: Use Your Working Memory to Think Stronger, Smarter, Faster. Tracy AllowayЧитать онлайн книгу.
up, and they made the easy, if unconsidered, choice. But when people controlled their impulse and chose the larger and uncertain reward, their prefrontal cortex, which houses their working memory, lit up.
Some people had a more automatic and stronger emotional response to these decisions: their amygdala showed greater activation. You may think that such people are more likely to always opt for the immediate choice, but when de Martino ran the numbers, he saw that the strength of their emotions didn’t determine how likely they were to choose the immediate reward. In fact, it was how hard their working memory was working that influenced their choice. If their PFC showed less activation, they followed their impulses. But the greater the activation, the more likely they were to make the better choice.
Our Conductor’s ability to delay gratification is also backed up by a decades-long series of studies from psychologist Walter Mischel, starting with his famous marshmallow test in 1968 and continuing with his most recent findings published in 2011. In the 1960s in his lab at Stanford University, Mischel offered more than six hundred children between the ages of four and six a marshmallow. Then he told them that he was going to leave the room, and if they could wait until he returned, they would get a second marshmallow. If they could not wait, they could ring a little bell that he left on the table, and he would return and let them eat the one marshmallow. Some of the children immediately popped the marshmallow into their mouths while others resisted temptation and held out for the greater reward of two marshmallows.
Although Mischel and his colleagues didn’t call the marshmallow test a working memory task, we now know that it had many of the same features of a working memory task, such as keeping a goal or greater reward in mind, ignoring a distraction, planning, and executing strategies to divert attention. Based on what we now know about working memory, we understand that a child can manage only a limited amount of information, and they can easily be overwhelmed by a very tempting option, such as a single delicious, pillowy marshmallow sitting in front of them.
In order to overcome the urge to reach out and gobble up the marshmallow, they had to use their working memory Conductor to shift their gaze or, at the very least, their attention to something else. The kids used a variety of techniques to distract themselves from the fluffy treat: hiding under the table, covering their eyes with their hands, turning their chair the opposite way, or singing a song.
Mischel has tracked these children over the years, investigating whether their ability to delay gratification gave them an advantage in life. For example, in a 1990 follow-up study, Mischel compared the children’s SAT scores with how they performed in the initial experiment and found that the longer a child had been able to wait for that second marshmallow, the higher his or her SAT score was.
In a paper published in 2011, Mischel and his colleagues retested the group. Now that they were in their forties, would they still be defined by how they performed as children? They selected the adults who as children were high delayers—they were able to resist the temptation to eat the marshmallow for longer— and those who gave in pretty quickly. In one testing session, they showed both a series of faces with different expressions—happy, fearful, or neutral—and asked them to press the space bar on the computer every time they saw a happy face but ignore the fearful or neutral faces. The groups performed similarly. In another testing session, the participants now had to press the space bar every time they saw a fearful expression and not when they saw a smiling face. It is a natural human impulse to respond to a smiling face, so this would require suppressing that natural inclination. Those who as children were low delayers, also had trouble not responding to the happy faces as adults; while those who had been high delayers as children, were able to control their impulses.
The next step was to find out what was happening in the brain, so they put the adults in a brain scanner while they were doing the same face task. When the high delayers had to resist the temptation to press the space bar in response to a happy face, the PFC was activated. But the low delayers were not using this area of the brain as much as the high delayers were. Instead, they were recruiting an area of the brain called the striatum, associated with automatized and unconsidered reactions.
Although Mischel didn’t give specific details on the career successes of the participants, anecdotally it seems to be the case that the high delayers turned out to be more professionally accomplished. Carolyn, one of the high delayers, earned a Ph.D. at Princeton and is now a college psychology professor. Craig, a low delayer, moved to Los Angeles and has spent his career as a jack-of-all-trades. He is still looking for the solid ground on which to build his career. As Craig remarks, “Sure, I wish I had been a more patient person. Looking back, there are definitely moments when it would have helped me make better career choices and stuff.”
We saw just how badly this lure of instant gratification can derail us in life with the recent financial crisis. The housing market lured home buyers into making unwise purchases in part by offering a highly appealing deal in the short term. Buyers’ working memories were short-circuited, and they purchased increasingly expensive houses without considering how they were going to afford the payments or what they would do if the houses decreased in value. They went for the quick-and-easy profit.
The oversubscribed credit market, which contributed to the crash, was similarly designed to provide consumers with instant gratification. Want that new car but don’t have the cash? Don’t worry: go ahead and buy it at full price and make monthly payments for the next sixty months. Must have that Louis Vuitton bag but don’t have £4,000 in your pocket? No problem; just charge it to the credit card with 18 percent annual interest rate. Need that HDTV now so you can watch the big game today? What’s a 10 percent monthly charge added to the cost?
Salesmen put us at a disadvantage when they interfere with working memory, and we often walk away with impulsive purchases like the 4x4 Range Rover that we all know will never see an unpaved track. Have you ever paid more than you should have on eBay? We certainly have, and the reason is that online bidding overloads working memory. Let’s say you’re bidding on a home entertainment system that you could buy new at your local Argos for about £500. You find a used one online for a £49 minimum bid. Fantastic deal, you think. So you place your bid.
Each time the price changes, your Conductor has to work with the new numbers to determine if it’s still a fantastic deal or, when you factor in shipping costs and the fact that there is no warranty, if it costs more than it is worth. At the same time, you have to use your Conductor to suppress the excitement coming from the amygdala, your brain’s emotional center that is egging you on to win! Finally, as the clock counts down, your working memory has less and less time to process all the changing variables. The result is that you end up paying £300 for a possibly damaged entertainment system with no warranty.
Car dealers use the same tactic. They put you into a pressure cooker situation with a changing set of numbers to calculate, play on your emotions—“If I speak to my boss, do I have your word that you are going to do a deal with me?”—and give you a limited-time offer. Then you end up driving away from the dealer behind the wheel of a new car wondering why you paid more than you wanted to for a car that isn’t even the color you wanted.
Psychologist Itiel Dror conducted an experiment that shows just how limited-time offers make us take greater risks than we normally would. In his trial, people were asked to play a simplified version of blackjack, in which players were dealt cards one at a time. Cards were worth whatever the number of the card was (a 7 of hearts was worth 7 points), and the numbers were added up with each new card. The goal was to avoid going over 21 points in total. The closer you get to 21, there’s a much greater risk that you will go over with the next card, so after players get what they consider to be enough points, they usually hold, or stop taking cards. Participants were asked to play the game twice.
In the first round, they were allowed to take their time when making a decision to take another card or to hold. In the second round, they were given no time for reflection and had to make automatic decisions. Dror found that when they were forced to make a quick decision, they made bad choices. So if they had accumulated a large number of points, say 18, they were more likely to take another card even though it was highly likely they would go over 21. If they had no time pressure, they were far more conservative when they reached a higher