France and England in N America, Part VII, Vol 1: A Half-Century of Conflict. Francis ParkmanЧитать онлайн книгу.
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9
Schuyler, Colonial New York, i. 488.
10
N. Y. Col. Docs., iv. 658.
11
Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, 17 October, 1700.
12
Conference of Bellomont with the Indians, 26 August, 1700.
13
Journal of Bleeker and Schuyler on their visit to Onondaga, August, September, 1701.
14
The foregoing chapter rests on numerous documents in the Public Record Office, Archives de la Marine, Archives Nationales, N. Y. Colonial Documents, vols. iv. v. ix., and the Second and Third Series of the Correspondance Officielle at Ottawa.
15
See "Old Régime in Canada," 383.
16
Relation de La Mothe-Cadillac, in Margry, v. 75.
17
He wrote his name as above. It is often written La Motte, which has the advantage of conveying the pronunciation unequivocally to an unaccustomed English ear. La Mothe-Cadillac came of a good family of Languedoc. His father, Jean de La Mothe, seigneur de Cadillac et de Launay, or Laumet, was a counsellor in the Parliament of Toulouse. The date of young Cadillac's birth is uncertain. The register of his marriage places it in 1661, and that of his death in 1657. Another record, cited by Farmer in his History of Detroit, makes it 1658. In 1703 he himself declared that he was forty-seven years old. After serving as lieutenant in the regiment of Clairembault, he went to Canada about the year 1683. He became skilled in managing Indians, made himself well acquainted with the coasts of New England, and strongly urged an attack by sea on New York and Boston, as the only sure means of securing French ascendency. He was always in opposition to the clerical party.
18
See La Mothe-Cadillac à –, 3 Août, 1695.
19
La Mothe-Cadillac à –, 3 Août, 1695.
20
"Il me dit que je me donnois des airs qui ne m'appartenoient pas, en me portant le poing au nez. Je vous avoue, Monsieur, que je pensai oublier qu'il étoit prêtre, et que je vis le moment où j'allois luy démonter la mâchoire; mais, Dieu merci, je me contentai de le prendre par le bras et de le pousser dehors, avec ordre de n'y plus rentrer." Margry, v. (author's edition), Introduction, civ. This introduction, with other editorial matter, is omitted in the edition of M. Margry's valuable collection, printed under a vote of the American Congress.
21
See "Count Frontenac," 440.
22
Robert Livingston urged the occupation of Detroit as early as 1700. N. Y. Col. Docs., iv. 650.
23
Denonville à Du Lhut, 6 Juin, 1686. Count Frontenac, 133.
24
"Sans se destourner et sans s'arrester au bruit des jappereaux qui crient après luy."—Mémoire de La Mothe-Cadillac adressé au Comte de Maurepas.
25
Mémoire adressé au Comte de Maurepas, in Margry, v. 138.
26
La Mothe-Cadillac, Rapport au Ministre, 1700, in Margry, v. 157.
27
Rapport au Ministre, 1700.
28
Cadillac's report of this interview is given in Sheldon, Early History of Michigan, 85-91.
29
La Mothe-Cadillac à un premier commis, 18 Octobre, 1700, in Margry, v. 166.
30
Callières au Ministre, 4 Octobre, 1701. Autre lettre du même, sans date, in Margry, v. 187, 190.
31
Callières et Champigny au Ministre, sans date.
32
Relation du Destroit (by the Jesuit who accompanied the expedition).
33
Description de la Rivière du Détroit, jointe à la lettre de MM. de Callières et de Champigny, 8 Octobre, 1701.
34
Callières au Ministre, 9 Novembre, 1700.
35
Traité fait avec la Compagnie de la Colonie de Canada, 31 Octobre, 1701.
36
Lamothe-Cadillac à Ponchartrain, 31 Aoust, 1703 (Margry, v. 301). On Cadillac's relations with the Jesuits, see Conseils tenus par Lamothe-Cadillac avec les Sauvages (Margry, v. 253-300); also a curious collection of Jesuit letters sent by Cadillac to the minister, with copious annotations of his own. He excepts from his strictures Father Engelran, who, he says, incurred the ill-will of the other Jesuits by favoring the establishment of Detroit, and he also has a word of commendation for Father Germain.
37
La Mothe-Cadillac à Ponchartrain, 31 Août, 1703. "Toute impiété à part, il vaudroit mieux pescher contre Dieu que contre eux, parce que d'un costé on en reçoit son pardon, et de l'autre, l'offense, mesme prétendue, n'est jamais remise dans ce monde, et ne le seroit peut-estre jamais dans l'autre, si leur crédit y estoit aussi grand qu'il est dans ce pays."
38
Ponchartrain à La Mothe-Cadillac, 14 Juin, 1704.
39
Deed from the Five Nations to the King of their Beaver Hunting Ground, in N. Y. Col. Docs., iv. 908. It is signed by the totems of sachems of all the Nations.
40
Count Frontenac, 231.
41
Ibid., chaps, xi. xvi. xvii.
42
Penhallow, History of the Wars of New England with the Eastern Indians, 16 (ed. 1859). Penhallow was present at the council. In Judge Sewall's clumsy abstract of the proceedings (Diary of Sewall, ii. 85) the Indians are represented as professing neutrality. The governor and intendant of Canada write that the Abenakis had begun a treaty of neutrality with the English, but that as "les Jésuites observoient les sauvages, le traité ne fut pas conclu." They add that Rale, Jesuit missionary at Norridgewock, informs them that his Indians were ready to lift the hatchet against the English. Vaudreuil et Beauharnois au Ministre, 1703.
43
Penhallow, 17, 18 (ed. 1859). There was a previous meeting of conciliation between the English and the Abenakis in 1702. The Jesuit Bigot says that the Indians assured him that they had scornfully repelled the overtures of the English, and told them that they would always stand fast by the French. (Relation des Abenakis, 1702.) This is not likely. The Indians probably lied both to the Jesuit and to the English, telling to each what they knew would be most acceptable.
44
See "Count Frontenac," 371.
45
Bourne, History of Wells and Kennebunk.
46
The above particulars are drawn from the History of Wells and Kennebunk, by the late Edward E. Bourne, of Wells,—a work of admirable thoroughness, fidelity, and candor.
47
On these attacks on the frontier of Maine, Penhallow, who well knew the country and the people, is the best authority. Niles, in his Indian and French Wars, copies him without acknowledgment, but not without blunders. As regards the attack on Wells, what particulars we have are mainly due to the research of the indefatigable Bourne. Compare Belknap, i. 330; Folsom, History of Saco and Biddeford, 198; Coll. Maine Hist. Soc., iii. 140, 348; Williamson, History of Maine, ii. 42. Beaubassin is called "Bobasser" in most of the English accounts.
48
The careful and well-informed Belknap puts it at only 130. History
