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Quest Biographies Bundle — Books 11–15. Gary EvansЧитать онлайн книгу.

Quest Biographies Bundle — Books 11–15 - Gary Evans


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States (U.S.), 9, 35, 44, 55,

      st. 67, 10,5-107, 126, 14,5, 147,

      149, 151, 1.5,5, 160, 162, 16,5

      University of Chicago, 28,30, 149,150

      University of Toronto, 9,20,21-24, 28,33,3,5, 149

      Upper Canada Rebellion (1837), ,5, 8, 9, 48, 71, 92, 10,5, 108, 12,5,145

      "Valley of Humiliation," 93, 160.

      See also Beauharnois scandal Vancouver, B.C., 44, 153, 163

      Verdun Progressive Spiritualist Church, 102

      Victorian Order of Nurses, 137, 150

      War Committee, 106

      War Measures Act, 124, 125

      Wartime Elections Act, 63, 1.56

      Washington, D.C., 71

      Waterloo, Ontario, 38, 46

      Western Canada, 85, 88, 1.59

      Willingdon, Viscount. See

      Governor General

      Wilson, Senator Cairine, 104, 159,16,5

      Winchester, Rev., 13

      Winnipeg, Manitoba, 67

      Winnipeg General Strike (1919),67, 156

      Woodside (King family horne), 4,12,13,19,25,88,95,112,128,129-132,148

      Woodside National Historic Site, ii

      Woodsworth, J.S., 1.52, 153, 1,57, 159, 160; death, 163

      World War I. See First World War

      World war II. See Second World War

      Wriedt, Etta (spiritualist), 82, 88,96-160

      York (Toronto), .5, 8-10 , 22,143-145

      Zombies (NRMA men), 119, 122, 124, 125, 162, 164. See also National Resources Mobilization Act 181

René Lévesque Images

      René Lévesque at a press conference at à construction site in Longueuil in 1981.

      1

       I Don’t Want to Destroy Canada

Rene_Levesque_common

      “My dear friends, if I have understood you well…” René Lévesque attempts to silence his supporters gathered together at the Paul Sauvé Centre. Two women stand behind him, in the background: Corinne Côté, his wife, and Lise Payette, Minister Responsible for the Status of Women and the only cabinet member present at this occasion. Wearing black, as if symbolically in mourning.

      From the bleachers to the floor, signs reading “oui” alternate with Fleur-de-lis flags. In the distance, a few voices strike up “Mon cher René, c’est à ton tour,” and spontaneously thousands of supporters join in the Gilles Vigneault song to pay homage to their leader’s courage. Lévesque smiles sadly.

      At a little before eight o’clock on May 20, 1980, the referendum results are official: 59.6 per cent of Quebecers have said “no.” Some two million Quebecers refuse to give the government a mandate to negotiate a new political accord with the federal government.

      It is a bitter defeat: over half the population has just rejected sovereignty-association. The leader of the Parti Québécois (PQ) assesses the extent of his power: before him, impassioned men and women await but one word to invade the streets of Montreal. One sign and they would force open the doors of the arena to show their sadness and disappointment.

      René Lévesque had rewritten his speech several times. A democrat, the sovereigntist leader accepts the voters’ decision. Now they have to live together, despite the fact that voters are divided. They must make peace with their opponents, with those who believe in federalism. The Parti Québécois leader again asks for silence. His voice rises above the shouting crowd:

      “My dear friends… If I’ve understood you clearly, you’ve just said “Till the next time…”

      The supporters roar their approval: they want to resume the struggle as soon as possible. The battle has been lost, but not the war.

      Lévesque then spontaneously invites those present in the room to join in the “the most beautiful of Quebec songs.” And, slightly off key, he strikes up “Gens du pays,” the song the crowd had begun to sing earlier. The time for sadness has passed: solidarity has overridden rancour and bitterness. Leader of the PQ government since November 15, 1976, René Lévesque is, first and foremost, premier of all Quebecers. After four years in power, he is thinking of the next provincial election he must soon call.

      René Lévesque wants to bring opposing forces together, and he is the man for the job.

Rene_Levesque_common1

      The referendum campaign had started long before it was officially called in March 1980.

      Three years earlier, shortly after coming into power, René Lévesque had taken on a new responsibility: governing within Canadian Confederation while promoting the Parti Québécois’ sovereigntist option.

      “It all would have been simpler if a vote for us had meant a vote for independence,” he regretted.

      It was Claude Morin who proposed gradualism in 1972: win the election and then hold a referendum on Quebec sovereignty. “After all,” he claimed, “the time is ripe for negotiation and consensus. The international community will never recognize our political status if we only scrape by to win.”

      René Lévesque also believed it necessary to consult the people before changing the country’s constitution. At the November 1974 convention of the Parti Québécois, the referendum passed two to one. From then on, they aimed for the majority of the National Assembly. But members were divided. Lévesque had to exert influence so that the resolution could pass, which displeased some, certain of whom even tore up their membership cards.

      “It was the first crisis that had the potential to completely ruin us,” Lévesque confessed.

Rene_Levesque_common1

      After the Parti Québécois was elected on November 15, 1976, René Lévesque returned to the very essence of the Sovereignty-Association Movement that he had founded nine years earlier. “Today,” he said, “I value this union more than ever!” It was a point of honour he set for himself. A sovereign Quebec must establish an economic partnership with Canada. On the strength of this faith, he curtailed the radical wing of the Parti Québécois that wanted to declare immediate independence. Lévesque was wary of idealists who didn’t accept the ground rules of democracy.

      “They’re nitpicking troublemakers!” he said. “With left-wingers like these we’ll rot from within.”

      From early 1977 on, the leader of the PQ needed to contain the aftershock. Lévesque had a heavy load to carry. One false move could endanger the entire party.

      Any discussion among the party members – the Péquistes – inevitably resulted in a debate about the party’s options. Should they hold the referendum in the first year of the mandate? No. The leader’s response was unequivocal. Lévesque had other projects near to his heart, including passing a law on political party financing.

      “There will be no more secret funds. Enough of giving money to friends of the party. I want the first law my government passes to give voters confidence.”

      Certain people advised him that he was taking a risk by putting the


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