The Philadelphia Negro. W. E. B. Du BoisЧитать онлайн книгу.
and thus gave the right of suffrage to free Negro property holders ; a right which they held, and, in most counties of the State, exercised until 1837.30 The general conference of Abolition Societies, held in Philadelphia in 1794, started an agitation which, when reinforced by the news of the Haytian revolt, resulted in the national statute of 1794, forbidding the export slave trade.31 In 1799 and 1800 Absalom Jones led the Negroes to address a petition to the Legislature, praying for immediate abolition of slavery, and to Congress against the fugitive slave law, and asking prospective emancipation for all Negroes. This latter petition was presented by Congressman Wain, and created an uproar in the House of Representatives; it was charged that the petition was instigated by the Haytian revolutionists and finally the Negroes were censured for certain parts of the petition. 32
The condition of the Negroes of the city in the last decade of the eighteenth and the first two decades of the nineteenth century, although without doubt bad, slowly improved; an insurance society, in 1796, took the beneficial features of the old Free African Society. Some small essays were made in business, mostly in small street stands, near the wharves ; and many were in the trades of all kinds. Between 1800 and 1810 the city Negro population continued to increase, so that at the latter date there were 100,688 whites and 10,522 blacks in the city, the Negroes thus forming the largest per cent of the population of the city that they have ever attained. The free Negroes also began to increase from the effect of the abolition law. The school established in 1770 continued, and was endowed by bequests from whites and Negroes. It had 414 pupils by 1813. In this same year there were six Negro churches and eleven benevolent societies. When the war broke out many Philadelphia Negroes were engaged on land and sea. Among these was James Forten—a fine character, expressive of the best Negro development of the time. Born in 1766, and educated by Benezet, he “was a gentleman by nature, easy in manner and able in intercourse ; popular as a man of trade or gentleman of the pave, and well received by the gentry of lighter shade.”33 For years he conducted a sail-making trade, employing both whites and Negroes. In 1814 he, Jones, Allen and others were asked, in the midst of the alarm felt at the approach of the British, to raise colored troops. A meeting was called and 2500 volunteers secured, or three-fourths of the adult male population; they marched to Gray's Ferry and threw up fortifications. A battalion for service in the field was formed, but the war closed before they reached the front.34
The Negroes at this time held about
“To be Sold for want of Employ, For a term of years, a smart active Negro boy, fifteen years of age. Enquire at Robert McGee's board yard, Vine street wharf.”35
1 Cf. Scharf-Wcstcott's “History of Philadelphia,” I, 65, 76. DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” p. 24.
2 Hazard's “Annals,” 553. Thomas’ “Attitude of Friends Toward Slavery,” 266.
3 There is some controversy as to whether these Germans were actually Friends or not; the weight of testimony seems to be that they were. See, however, Thomas as above, p. 267, and Appendix. “Pennsylvania Magazine,” IV, 28–31; The Critic, August 27, 1897. DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” p. 20, 203. For copy of protest, see published fac-simile and Appendix of Thomas. For further proceedings of Quakers, see Thomas and DuBois, passim.
4 “Colonial Records,” I, 380–81.
5 Thomas, 276; Whittier Intro, to Woolman, 16.
6 See Appendix B.
7 “Statutes-at-Large,” Ch. 143, 881. See Appendix B.
8 “Statutes-at-Large,” III, pp. 250, 254; IV, 59 ff. See Appendix B.
9 DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” p. 23, note. U. S. Census.
10 See Appendix B. Cf. DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” passim.
11 DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” p. 206.
12 Scharf-Westcott's “History of Philadelphia,” I, 200.
13 Watson's “Annals,” (Ed. 1850) I, 98.
14 See Appendix B.
15 Cf. Chapter XIII.
16 “Colonial Records,” VIII, 576; DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” p. 23.
17 Cf. Pamphlet: “Sketch of the Schools for Blacks,” also Chapter VIII.
18 Cf. Thomas’ “Attitude of Friends,” etc., p. 272.
19 Dallas’ “Laws,” I, 838, Ch. 881; DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” p. 225.
20 Cf. Watson's “Annals” (Ed. 1850), I, 557, 101–103, 601, 602, 515.
21 The American Museum, 1789, pp. 61–62.
22 For life of Allen, see his “Autobiography,” and Payne's “History of the A. M. E. Church.”
23 For life of Jones, see Douglass’ “Episcopal Church of St. Thomas.”
24 The testimonial was dated January 23, 1794, and was as follows: “Having, during the prevalence of the late malignant disorder, had almost daily opportunities of seeing the conduct of Absalom Jones and Richard Allen, and the people employed by them to bury the dead, I, with cheerfulness give this testimony of my approbation of their pro ceedings as far as the same came under my notice. Their diligence, attention and decency of deportment, afforded me at the time much satisfaction. WILLIAM CLARKSON, Mayor.”
From Douglass’ “St. Thomas'Church.”
25 See Thomas, p. 266.
26 See Allen's “Autobiography,” and Douglass’ “St. Thomas”
27 Douglass’ “St. Thomas’.”
28 There is on the part of the A. M. E. Church a disposition to ignore Allen's withdrawal from the Free African Society, and to date the A. M. E. Church from the founding of that society, making it older than St. Thomas. This, however, is contrary to Allen's own statement in his “Autobiography.” The point, however, is of little real consequence.
29 Carey & Bioren, Ch. 394. DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” p. 231.
30 The constitution, as reported, had the word “white,” but this was struck out at the instance of Gallatin. Cf. Ch. XVII.
31 Cf. DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” Chapter VII.
32 “Annals of Congress,” 6 Cong., ISess., pp. 229–45. DuBois’ “Slave Trade,” pp. 81–83.
33 Quoted by W. C. Bolivar in Philadelphia Tribune.
34 Delany's “Colored People,” p. 74.
35 Dunlap's American Daily Advertiser, July 4, 1791. William White had a large commission-house on the wharves about this time. Considerable praise is given the Insurance Society of 1796 for its good management. Cf. “History of the Insurance Companies of North America.” In 1817 the first convention of Free Negroes was held here, through the efforts of Jones and Forten.
CHAPTER IV.
THE NEGRO IN PHILADELPHIA, 1820–1896.
10. Fugitives and Foreigners, 1820–1840.—Five social developments made the decades from 1820 to 1840 critical for the nation and for the Philadelphia Negroes ; first, the impulse of the industrial revolution of the nineteenth century ; second, the reaction and recovery succeeding the War of 1812 ; third, the rapid increase of foreign immigration ; fourth, the increase of free Negroes and fugitive slaves, especially in Philadelphia ; fifth, the rise of the Abolitionists and the slavery controversy.
Philadelphia