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Biko: A Biography. Xolela MangcuЧитать онлайн книгу.

Biko: A Biography - Xolela  Mangcu


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and their respective allies as prophet-intellectuals, Nxele and Ntsikana. Through their contrasting responses, these chiefs and their prophets laid the contours for the conduct and discourse of anti-colonial resistance, while grappling with the question of how to deal with the “onrush of [European] modernity”.[6] To understand Steve Biko’s response to that same modernity, one has to grapple with the political and intellectual history of the Eastern Cape – and the terms this history made available for him to engage with that modernity more than a century later. It is not enough to reduce Biko’s thinking, as many scholars have done, to the influence of Frantz Fanon.

      Steve began to assume a more conscious and assertive political role at St Francis College. That is when he started asking critical questions about the relevance of Christianity – the lynchpin of European modernity in Africa – to the lives of oppressed people. The questions were in the form of letters and conversations with his mother, a devout Christian, and discussions with a young radical cleric in our township, David Russell. It was Steve’s mother, Alice (whom I shall refer to as MamCethe, the clan name by which she was fondly called in the township), who protected Russell against a congregation that did not want him on account of his race. I still have vivid memories of Russell preaching in fluent Xhosa in our church. As a young boy I could not, for the life of me, understand how this Xhosa-speaking white man found himself in our midst.

      Chapter 6 is about the formation and the ideological evolution of the South African Students Organisation (SASO). Initially, SASO adopted nothing more than what Barney Pityana describes as a “pragmatic” black consciousness, which was no more than a gathering space for black students around the country on a social basis. I describe Steve’s leadership of the movement at this stage as cautious and tactical. The elements of a fully-fledged philosophy began to emerge around 1970 after he had served his term as president of SASO, and had taken up the editorship of the SASO newsletter. Of critical importance here is the key role played by the University Christian Movement (UCM) as a midwife of the new movement. Even though some members of BCM were against any collaboration with UCM, Steve maintained a strategic – some might say parasitic – relationship with UCM. However, given their radical political culture, UCM leaders such as Colin Collins and Basil Moore were quite aware of the historic role they were playing in their support for SASO. In any event, Steve and Colin Collins were constantly exchanging letters about how UCM could best support SASO.

      I also explore the debates and divisions around the formation of the Black People’s Convention (BPC) (Chapter 7). Steve was firmly opposed to the formation of the BPC as a political organisation. The driving force behind the new organisation became Harry Nengwekhulu and other SASO leaders who, in 1971, were able to persuade a sceptical community meeting in Orlando, Soweto, to support the formation of a political structure. After the first generation of the movement’s leadership was banned in March 1973 – and that included Steve being banished to Ginsberg – a second generation of leaders emerged with an even more militant outlook under the leadership of Saths Cooper (who was also banned) and Muntu Myeza. Against Steve’s advice, this group organised the Viva Frelimo rallies in September 1974. They were ultimately arrested and Steve testified as the defence witness in the long-running SASO/BPC Trial. The trial was to be the first public political trial since the Rivonia Trial in 1964, and gave Steve a national platform to articulate to the world the philosophy of Black Consciousness.

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