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The Handbook of Peer Production. Группа авторовЧитать онлайн книгу.

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Beyond more obvious cases of sexism and racism, there will always be issues of unconscious bias that impact judgments of others and their contributions – Marwick notes in her interviews with both male and female Silicon Valley workers, for example, that female entrepreneurs and tech workers are often judged by their appearance rather than technical or business competence (Marwick, 2013, p. 264). The fact that Silicon Valley and workers in the US and European tech industries generally are perceived as favoring progressive politics hardly means that ethnocentrism and erroneous assumptions about others disappear (and rather that this ethnocentrism takes on new forms, see English‐Lueck, 2002). By upholding an ideology of meritocracy, open source communities and Wikipedia are less likely to see how participation and achievement are dependent on being able to fit in with a group that is overwhelmingly male and white. As Ford and Wajcman (2017) note, for example, participation in Wikipedia is often adversarial, unwelcoming to newcomers and suited to people with high degrees of technical skill, all of which favors its existing (mostly male) community and discourages women from taking part. Likewise, Nafus (2012) demonstrates the strong link between the meritocratic ideal in open source communities (present in claims that technical contributions “don’t have gender”) and the hostile attacks women often face in these communities when raising issues of sexism.

      Marie Hicks’s work deals with the history of computing, but is equally relevant to the present topic. Hicks (2016) notes how highlighting the contributions of “genius” women in the history of computing – while noble in its intentions – strengthens the belief that success is a function of individual talent, obscuring inequalities of access and the fact that any individual contribution is dependent on a great deal of “hidden work” by countless others. This kind of critique raises the question of whether we should aim to improve ostensibly meritocratic systems favored in peer production and geek culture, or replace them with something else entirely.

      In sum, this section has taken a closer look at meritocracy as a core value of FOSS and Wikipedia communities and the wider technological and media fields they operate within. Meritocracy is steeped in a liberal worldview that prizes individual achievement and equal opportunity, and as such we can see in peer production cultures an emphasis on both individual merit as well as the need to assist others. The meritocracies enacted by these communities can be found in crystallized form in various reputation systems and governance structures. However, meritocracy will always remain an ideal, or myth, given that power always ensures inequalities of access and various forms of inequality such as sexism and racism persist even in relatively progressive geek communities.

      In Benkler’s famous formulation, the success of peer production is dependent on several factors related to the envisioned product, namely that there is low uncertainty about what constitutes quality and that the product is modular and granular, meaning it can be split into independent parts and allows for both smaller and greater sized contributions. This means the project is suited for decentralized, self‐selecting producers of different levels of expertise and differing levels of commitment). What may go missing in such an economic analysis is that peer production requires more than a set of affordances, rules and procedures, and is arguably dependent on a kind of moral education of its participants. As Pentzold (2011) argues in the context of Wikipedia, participants understand the glue tying their community together not as the bureaucratic governance structure (consisting of wiki software and all of the rules and regulations guiding decision‐making on Wikipedia), but rather as shared values. “[U]sers primarily understand their collective as an ethos‐action community tying community membership not to admission procedures but to the personal acceptance of a set of moral obligations and rules of conduct” (Pentzold, 2011, p. 716). Logically, such personal acceptance will arise not just from existing preferences and previously held beliefs, but also through processes of socialization and education. An example of such moral education in service of peer production is Debian’s New Member Protocol, a form of apprenticeship that also requires an individual essay presenting one’s views on the value of open source (Coleman, 2013, p. 124)

      On Wikipedia, such openness‐as‐disposition is encoded and enacted in different ways. Perhaps most important among these is the colloquial Wikipedia norm of “assuming good faith” (“Wikipedia,” 2019). Assuming good faith means taking opposing views seriously and a willingness to entertain the view that one’s own perspective is incomplete and flawed. Although prolonged flame wars get the most attention, as Reagle points out these are outweighed by civil interactions where compromise is sought and good faith is assumed on all sides. A related practice that Wikipedia encourages is “writing for the opponent” (“Wikipedia,” 2018). This challenges editors to spend more time writing and polishing points of view they themselves do not hold. Here, the guideline can be read in two ways: on the one hand it encourages openness through exposure to difference; on the other it suggests this is also the best way to convince others of your own arguments (which of course somewhat violates the principle of good faith). Regardless, it remains a practice that requires some degree of empathy and respect (Reagle, 2012, p. 58).

      Importantly, while openness is often understood as an organizational goal or requirement in peer production, it must in fact be a quality of the culture. Source code that anyone can see, an encyclopedia that anyone can edit, this form of openness is relatively easy to implement and sustain through licensing. But openness in terms of remaining open to new, diverse, and challenging ideas, and to change more generally – this will never be easy, due to the hierarchical structures that emerge in any social organization. There is also evidence that growth itself in peer production projects leads to conservatism: Halfaker (Halfaker et al., 2013) show that Wikipedia’s solutions to its enormous growth over the years – formalizing policies and guidelines, using software to do mass reverts of suspect contributions, etc. – have the unintended consequence of rejecting the contributions of desirable participants, and thus discouraging them from investing more time in the project. Therefore, peer production projects must find ways to foster and maintain openness through various formal and informal means of education and socialization.

      5.1 Humility and Openness in Open Source Cultures

      Hacker culture and FOSS communities tend not to be associated with humility, at least in the popular consciousness. There is also a kind of romantic heroism attributed to visionary and brazen hackers who push forward with their single‐minded projects, beating the odds and showing up naysayers (Levy, 1994). A lack of humility can also be seen in the overzealous factions of different open source communities who use humor and mockery to disparage competing projects. Such in‐crowd humor builds camaraderie within one group while closing the group off to others (Coleman, 2013).

      However, technical work itself is also extremely humbling. As a programmer you must continually seek support from others, and deal constantly with failure in the form of bugs and broken code. In such a context, being open to new technologies, methods and solutions, and recognizing their strengths is necessary. Openness and humility can therefore also be seen as intrinsic to technical work and in particular open source software production,


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