Complete Works. Hamilton AlexanderЧитать онлайн книгу.
college.
Dec. 15, 1774. Publishes the Full Vindication.
1775. Joins a volunteer corps.
1776. Takes command of artillery company.
March 1, 1777. Joins Washington's Staff.
1779. Writes his first letter to Robert Morris on the National Bank.
Sept. 3, 1780. Letter to Duane on Government.
Dec. 14, 1780. Married to Miss Schuyler.
1782. Admitted to the bar.
June, 1782. Appointed Receiver of Taxes.
Nov., 1782. Enters Congress.
1783. Returns to practice of the law.
1786. Delegate to Annapolis Convention.
1786. Elected to the New York Legislature.
1787. Delegate to the Philadelphia Convention.
1787. Writes the Federalist.
1788. Delegate to the New York Convention.
Sept., 1789. Appointed Secretary of the Treasury.
Jan. 14, 1790. Transmits to the House the First Report on the Public Credit.
Jan. 31, 1795. Resigns the Secretaryship of the Treasury and returns to the practice of the law.
July 25, 1798. Appointed Inspector-General of the Army with the rank of Major-General.
July 2, 1800. Retires from the army.
July 11, 1804. Shot by Burr in a duel at Weehawken.
July 12, 1804. Death.
Early Papers and Speeches
THE GOVERNMENT AND THE CONSTITUTION
RESOLUTIONS FOR A GENERAL CONVENTION OF THE STATES
SPEECHES AND RESOLUTIONS IN CONGRESS
RESOLUTIONS FOR A GENERAL CONVENTION
ADDRESS OF THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
RESOLUTIONS OFFERED IN THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK
A FULL VINDICATION
of the
Measures of Congress from the calumnies of their enemies, in answer to a letter under the signature of a Westchester Farmer; whereby his sophistry is exposed, his cavils confuted, his artifices detected, and his wit ridiculed, in a General Address to the inhabitants of America, and a Particular Address to the Farmers of the Province of New York. Veritas magna est et prevalebit—Truth is powerful and will prevail. New York: printed by James Rivington: 1774.
A FULL VINDICATION.
DECEMBER 15, 1774.
Friends and Countrymen:
It was hardly to be expected that any man could be so presumptuous as openly to controvert the equity, wisdom, and authority of the measures adopted by the Congress—an assembly truly respectable on every account, whether we consider the characters of the men who composed it, the number and dignity of their constituents, or the important ends for which they were appointed. But, however improbable such a degree of presumption might have seemed, we find there are some in whom it exists. Attempts are daily making to diminish the influence of their decisions, and prevent the salutary effects intended by them. The impotence of such insidious efforts is evident from the general indignation they are treated with; so that no material ill-consequences can be dreaded from them. But lest they should have a tendency to mislead, and prejudice the minds of a few, it cannot be deemed altogether useless to bestow some notice upon them.
And first, let me ask these restless spirits, Whence arises that violent antipathy they seem to entertain, not only to the natural rights of mankind, but to common-sense and common modesty? That they are enemies to the natural rights of mankind is manifest, because they wish to see one part of their species enslaved by another. That they have an invincible aversion to common-sense is apparent in many respects: they endeavor to persuade us that the absolute sovereignty of Parliament does not imply our absolute slavery; that it is a Christian duty to submit to be plundered of all we have, merely because some of our fellow-subjects are wicked enough to require it of us; that slavery, so far from being a great evil, is a great blessing; and even that our contest with Britain is founded entirely upon the petty duty of three pence per pound on East India tea, whereas the whole world knows it is built upon this interesting question, whether the inhabitants of Great Britain have a right to dispose of the lives and properties of the inhabitants of America, or not. And lastly, that these men have discarded all pretension to common modesty, is clear from hence: first, because they, in the plainest terms, call an august body of men, famed for their patriotism and abilities, fools or knaves; and of course the people whom they represented cannot be exempt from the same opprobrious appellations; and secondly, because they set themselves up as standards of wisdom and probity, by contradicting and censuring the public voice in favor of those men.
A little consideration will convince us that the Congress, instead of having “ignorantly misunderstood, carelessly neglected, or basely betrayed the interests of the colonies,” have, on the contrary, devised and recommended the only effectual means to secure the freedom, and establish the future prosperity of America upon a solid basis. If we are not free and happy hereafter, it must proceed from the want of integrity and resolution in executing what they have concerted, not from the temerity or impolicy of their determinations.
Before I proceed to confirm this assertion by the most obvious arguments, I will premise a few brief remarks. The only distinction between freedom and slavery consists in this: In the former state a man is governed by the laws to which he has given his consent, either in person or by his representative; in the latter, he is governed by the will of another. In the one case, his life and property are his own;