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      General Schuyler shared Hamilton's dislike of Adams, who was undoubtedly regarded by both as a fussy, interfering, and incompetent executive who was likely to meddle with the organization of the Army. The views of the former are embodied in the following letter. The McHenry alluded to was then Secretary of War, and Hamilton's friend. Although Schuyler's criticism is rather severe, it cannot be denied that at times McHenry showed very little push and executive ability.

       Philip Schuyler to Alexander Hamilton

      ALBANY, August 6th, 1798.

      I am not surprized My Dear Sir that you found much had not been done in the execution of the important objects, for I have some time since perceived that Mr. McHenry had not a mind sufficiently extensive & energetic to embrace and execute all the objects incident to the war department and I foresee that you will be under the necessity to direct the principle operations of that department, to avoid those embarrassments which must otherwise inevitably result from incompetency in the officers, indeed I see no alternative, for I doubt much if a man of adequate abilities can be found properly to discharge the duties of an office, on which so much depends, even should the present incumbent resign.

      Who is to be quarter master General? and who commissary General? If these are not men of business, If they cannot form a system by which to conduct their departments, we shall experience all that confusion and waste which distressed and disgraced us in the revolutionary wars -- the President's ideas of the importance of these offices, is probably inadequate, and with the best intentions he may be led to improper appointments, unless advice is interposed by those who are capable of offering it, and to whose recommendations he ought to yield.

      The principles and spirit from which have emanated the address to the president, and that attention which has been paid him could not fail of affording him solid satisfaction and yet not without some alloy, persuaded as I was that every disaster which might befall the first executive would be deeply Injurious to my country in the present critical juncture. I dreaded lest the injected Gas should become so highly inflammable as to injure the upper works of the machine, but It is not surprizing that the old Cock should be elated and crow audibly for

      The young oak which must prevail at length has grown with his growth, strengthened with his strength.

      A report via Boston prevails, which advises that Guilleman is dismissed, and that we shall have no war -- I hope the latter is unfounded for I feel that war with all Its calamities, would be less Injurious to my country, than a peace which might be followed, and probably would be with the reintroduction of the pernicious and destructive principles which prevail in France.

      Harmanus P. Schuyler, a distant relative of mine, believes he could raise a company of foot If he was honored with a commission. He has been long and is now a captain of Militia in the Albany regiments, -- is about thirty five years old, discreet and sober, he has been a protege and a pupil of mine in [illegible]. If a commission can be obtained for him It would be pleasing to me, his politician.

      God Bless you My Dear Sir, take care of your health, for without It you cannot sustain the labors your devotion entails. Let my Children share with you in that tender affection which I feel with so much force.

      Ever Your Serv.

      PH. SCHUYLER.

      Hon. Genl. Hamilton.

      The danger of war was finally averted and the excitement of the moment was superseded by that of the political agitation of 1800 and the practical overthrow of the Federal party. Hamilton, during the short time he was virtually at the head of the army, had perfected the military system and established certain means of national defence, which are in existence to-day. He even suggested, and prepared plans for the Military Academy at West Point.

      Although all thought of war with France was ended, he recognized and deplored the mischief that had been wrought in the last decade of the eighteenth century, and mourned over what he regarded as a form of early degeneration in the young republic when Jefferson and his party came into power. He was sincere and expressed his fears and desperation in a letter to Gouverneur Morris, which has else-where been printed. He believed in the moral decay of the United States -- the loss of religious principle in consequence of the teachings of Paine, and those of irresponsible fanatics who had done so much to unsettle the simple faith of the early patriots. The future to him was threatening, and he sought for a means of regeneration.

      A great deal of canting speculation has been indulged in by various persons as to Hamilton's religious faith, for it was alleged that he died without belief. Bishop Moore's account of his death, on the contrary, shows that he was a man of earnest, simple faith, quite unemotional in this respect, so far as display was concerned, but his belief was very strong.

      He who had all his life made his way by more or less militant methods, or by appeals to reason, by careful and subtle argument, and diplomatic manoeuvres, conceived, in his fear for the future welfare of his country, the establishment of a vast religious body to be called "The Christian Constitutional Society." With his keen insight he knew that even the mob could be swayed by such an organization, and that the mental epidemic that was caused by "the poisonous French Doctrines" might be replaced, perhaps, by a movement of a healthy and uplifting kind.

      To Bayard he wrote: "Unluckily for us in the competition for the passions of the people, our opponents have great advantages over us; for the plain reason that the vicious are far more active than the good passions; and that, to win the former to our side, we must renounce our principles and our objects, and unite in corrupting public opinion till it becomes fit for nothing but mischief. Yet, unless we can contrive to take hold of, and carry along with us some strong feelings of the mind, we shall in vain calculate upon any substantial or durable results. Whatever plan we may adopt, to be successful, must be founded on the truth of this proposition, and perhaps it is not very easy for us to give it full effect; especially not without some deviations from what, on other occasions, we have maintained to be right. But, in determining upon the propriety of the deviations, we must consider whether it be possible for us to succeed, without, in some degree employing the weapons which have been employed against us, and whether the actual state and future prospects of things be not such as to justify the reciprocal use of them. I need not tell you that I do not mean to countenance, the imitation of things intrinsically unworthy, but only of such as may be denominated irregular; such as, in a sound and stable order of things ought not to exist. Neither are you to infer that any revolutionary result is contemplated. In my opinion, the present constitution is the standard to which we are to cling. Under its banners bona fide must we combat our political foes, rejecting all changes but through the channel itself provided for amendments. By these general views of the subject have my reflections been guided. I now offer you the outline of the plan they have suggested. Let an association be formed to be denominated 'The Christian Constitutional Society,' its object to be 1st: The support of the Christian religion. 2d: The support of