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The New Machiavelli. H. G. WellsЧитать онлайн книгу.

The New Machiavelli - H. G. Wells


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       H. G. Wells

      The New Machiavelli

      Published by Good Press, 2019

       [email protected]

      EAN 4057664645456

       BOOK THE FIRST: THE MAKING OF A MAN

       CHAPTER THE FIRST ~~ CONCERNING A BOOK THAT WAS NEVER WRITTEN

       CHAPTER THE SECOND ~~ BROMSTEAD AND MY FATHER

       CHAPTER THE THIRD ~~ SCHOLASTIC

       CHAPTER THE FOURTH ~~ ADOLESCENCE

       BOOK THE SECOND: MARGARET

       CHAPTER THE FIRST ~~ MARGARET IN STAFFORDSHIRE

       CHAPTER THE SECOND ~~ MARGARET IN LONDON

       CHAPTER THE THIRD ~~ MARGARET IN VENICE

       CHAPTER THE FOURTH ~~ THE HOUSE IN WESTMINSTER

       BOOK THE THIRD: THE HEART OF POLITICS

       CHAPTER THE FIRST ~~ THE RIDDLE FOR THE STATESMAN

       CHAPTER THE SECOND ~~ SEEKING ASSOCIATES

       CHAPTER THE THIRD ~~ SECESSION

       CHAPTER THE FOURTH ~~ THE BESETTING OF SEX

       BOOK THE FOURTH: ISABEL

       CHAPTER THE FIRST ~~ LOVE AND SUCCESS

       CHAPTER THE SECOND ~~ THE IMPOSSIBLE POSITION

       CHAPTER THE THIRD ~~ THE BREAKING POINT

       Table of Contents

       Table of Contents

      1

      Since I came to this place I have been very restless, wasting my energies in the futile beginning of ill-conceived books. One does not settle down very readily at two and forty to a new way of living, and I have found myself with the teeming interests of the life I have abandoned still buzzing like a swarm of homeless bees in my head. My mind has been full of confused protests and justifications. In any case I should have found difficulties enough in expressing the complex thing I have to tell, but it has added greatly to my trouble that I have a great analogue, that a certain Niccolo Machiavelli chanced to fall out of politics at very much the age I have reached, and wrote a book to engage the restlessness of his mind, very much as I have wanted to do. He wrote about the relation of the great constructive spirit in politics to individual character and weaknesses, and so far his achievement lies like a deep rut in the road of my intention. It has taken me far astray. It is a matter of many weeks now—diversified indeed by some long drives into the mountains behind us and a memorable sail to Genoa across the blue and purple waters that drowned Shelley—since I began a laboured and futile imitation of “The Prince.” I sat up late last night with the jumbled accumulation; and at last made a little fire of olive twigs and burnt it all, sheet by sheet—to begin again clear this morning.

      But incidentally I have re-read most of Machiavelli, not excepting those scandalous letters of his to Vettori, and it seems to me, now that I have released myself altogether from his literary precedent, that he still has his use for me. In spite of his vast prestige I claim kindred with him and set his name upon my title-page, in partial intimation of the matter of my story. He takes me with sympathy not only by reason of the dream he pursued and the humanity of his politics, but by the mixture of his nature. His vices come in, essential to my issue. He is dead and gone, all his immediate correlations to party and faction have faded to insignificance, leaving only on the one hand his broad method and conceptions, and upon the other his intimate living personality, exposed down to its salacious corners as the soul of no contemporary can ever be exposed. Of those double strands it is I have to write, of the subtle protesting perplexing play of instinctive passion and desire against too abstract a dream of statesmanship. But things that seemed to lie very far apart in Machiavelli's time have come near to one another; it is no simple story of white passions struggling against the red that I have to tell.

      The state-making dream is a very old dream indeed in the world's history. It plays too small a part in novels. Plato and Confucius are but the highest of a great host of minds that have had a kindred aspiration, have dreamt of a world of men better ordered, happier, finer, securer. They imagined cities grown more powerful and peoples made rich and multitudinous by their efforts, they thought in terms of harbours and shining navies, great roads engineered marvellously, jungles cleared and deserts conquered, the ending of muddle and diseases and dirt and misery; the ending of confusions that waste human possibilities; they thought of these things with passion and desire as other men think of the soft lines and tender beauty of women. Thousands of men there are to-day almost mastered by this white passion of statecraft, and in nearly every one who reads and thinks you could find, I suspect, some sort of answering response. But in every one it presents itself extraordinarily entangled and mixed up with other, more intimate things.

      It was so with Machiavelli. I picture him at San Casciano as he lived in retirement upon his property after the fall of the Republic, perhaps with a twinge of the torture that punished his conspiracy still lurking in his limbs. Such twinges could not stop his dreaming. Then it was “The Prince” was written. All day he went about his personal affairs, saw homely neighbours, dealt with his family, gave vent to everyday passions. He would sit in the shop of Donato del Corno gossiping curiously among vicious company, or pace the lonely woods of his estate, book in hand, full of bitter meditations. In the evening he returned home and went to his study. At the entrance, he says, he pulled off his peasant clothes covered with the dust and dirt of that immediate life, washed himself, put on his “noble court dress,” closed the door on the world of toiling and getting, private loving,


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