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The Art of Political Murder. Francisco GoldmanЧитать онлайн книгу.

The Art of Political Murder - Francisco  Goldman


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Cathedral complex, two blocks from the headquarters of the Presidential Guard and four blocks from the church of San Sebastián. Its massive double wooden doors—they looked more like the gates to a medieval castle—opened onto a courtyard paved with rough gray stones where vehicles were parked. Visitors buzzed an intercom in the blackened stone frame of the entrance and, once admitted through a small door set in one of the larger ones, stepped into a vestibule where a receptionist sat behind bulletproof glass. An open corridor with a red-tiled roof ran around an interior courtyard, with offices, workrooms, and storage areas opening onto it.

      On my first visits to ODHA I met with Ronalth Ochaeta, who was friendly enough and reasonably forthcoming, but careful. He phrased his answers to my questions as if he expected to see them printed in a newspaper the next day. He did, however, let me hang around a bit, and one day he introduced me to Fernando Penados, who was in charge of the murder investigation and was obviously the key person for me to talk to. But Fernando came off as intimidating and hermetic, and he rebuffed my first attempts to interview him. I got around that with the help of Cecilia Olmos, who fed me morsels of information from MINUGUA that I could drop. This went on for a while, until Fernando finally, he told me later, said to some of his colleagues, “How has that pisado—asshole—found out so much?” Which led to what would become many, many conversations.

      Ronalth Ochaeta (front right), carrying the coffin of Bishop Gerardi

      Fernando Penados’s tough-guy air seemed at odds with his upbringing as a possible prince of the Church, although it was leavened by a good-natured charm. There was also, I eventually realized, an impressionable side to Fernando—a touch of immaturity and romantic or overheated imagination—but he was hardly a naïf. He told me that during the discussions between ODHA and the Church about forming an independent team to investigate the bishop’s murder, he had proposed two options. “One, we can form a team that will be able to conduct a real criminal investigation,” he had said. “People with incredible experience in investigating cases, but who, because of their past, have their vulnerable points. If we pay them well, these people will find the person who came out of the garage without a shirt. Or, two, we can form an ODHA type of team, with clean, trustworthy people. People who don’t have experience in criminal investigations.” The Church authorities, said Fernando, “in the very logical and wise explanations that they gave me,” decided, of course, that they couldn’t pay the sort of people he was talking about. “They said, ‘We’ll have an ODHA-type team just to document the case.’”

      The Untouchables’ fourth member, Rodrigo Salvadó, was a tall, thin twenty-two-year-old anthropology student who had been working with REMHI’s exhumation team one day when Fernando was leaving the ODHA courtyard in a jeep, on his way to the morgue, and realized he didn’t have any cigarettes. He would need to smoke at the morgue, because of the stench, and when he spotted Rodrigo smoking in the courtyard, he leaned out the window and asked if he wanted to join his team, and if so to get in the car. Rodrigo was handsome, with a long black ponytail, and the others had nicknamed him El Shakira, after the famous Colombian singer who was at the time raven-haired. The son of academic parents with leftist affiliations in the 1970s and 1980s, Rodrigo had lived on the run with his mother when he was a boy, continually changing houses in the political underground and in exile over the border in Chiapas and Mexico City before returning to Guatemala. Many of his parents’ relatives and friends were killed or had “disappeared.” Rodrigo was a remarkably unflappable and easygoing young man with a quiet, quick wit.

      The ODHA lawyer Mario Domingo, with two Untouchables, Rodrigo Salvadó and Arturo Aguilar

      Fernando had in the beginning perceived the mission of the Untouchables as collecting information that could be used to assess the claims of the prosecutors and the police, who had shown themselves to be more than reluctant to seriously investigate or follow up any lead that might implicate the Army, or to advance the scenario that Bishop Gerardi’s murder had a political motive. But before long Fernando, along with ODHA’s legal team, realized that instead of playing a merely defensive role, they might be able to make a case against the true killers. A lot of information flowed through ODHA. People who had something to say about the Gerardi case, whether their motives were sincere or mendacious, their information helpful, mistaken, or designed to mislead, seemed to contact the Church before contacting anyone else.

      Investigating Bishop Gerardi’s murder quickly became an obsession and a way of life for the Untouchables, but one that merged with their usual lives—essentially those of young, unmarried, middle-class men who were far from puritanical or pious. After work nearly every day they would gather in a bar or nightspot, huddled together at a table over beers, eternally talking, it seemed, about the case, while, on occasion, young women made caustic comments over their shoulders before moving off in search of more attentive companions. “You go to bed thinking about this case,” Fernando once told me. “And at night you dream about it. And when you wake up in the morning, you’re still thinking about it.”

      THE TRAIL OF EVIDENCE that ODHA’s investigators and lawyers would follow began on April 28, the day before Bishop Gerardi’s funeral, as a crowd of 20,000 people marched through the streets of Guatelmala City in protest against the murder. That afternoon, Mynor Melgar, who had recently joined ODHA as coordinator of its legal team, replacing the less experienced Nery Rodenas, after having served in the Public Ministry for most of the 1990s, was summoned to the office of the chancellor of the Curia. Melgar, a dark-skinned, broad-shouldered man with black hair combed straight back, large languid eyes, and a mustache, had a quiet, confident, seen-it-all affability. Though still in his early thirties, he was renowned as a prosecutor of human rights cases. He had been the special prosecutor in the Myrna Mack murder case, winning an unprecedented thirty-year conviction against Noél Beteta, the EMP operative who had stabbed the young anthropologist to death. In another unprecedented case, he’d won a murder conviction against Ricardo Ortega, a violent young carjacker protected by military officers who ran a car-theft ring.

      Waiting in the chancellor’s office that day was the parish priest from the church of El Carmelo, in a working-class barrio in Zone 7. His name was Gabriel Quiróz, and he was obviously frightened and distressed. Father Quiróz told Melgar that as he was dressing to assist in the funeral ceremonies at the cathedral that morning, a man had come to see him. The man, who seemed nervous, said that he was a taxi driver and that on April 26 he’d been working the night shift. Sometime after ten—he wasn’t sure of the exact time—he’d driven past the church of San Sebastián and had seen a white Toyota Corolla parked nearby. Several men were gathered around the Toyota, including a man who was naked from the waist up. The Toyota’s license-plate number had four digits—the kind of number, the taxi driver knew, that was usually assigned to police cars or other official vehicles. The taxi driver


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