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The Populist Century. Pierre RosanvallonЧитать онлайн книгу.

The Populist Century - Pierre  Rosanvallon


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8 On this point, see my discussion in “The Election of Judges: Some Historical Facts,” in Democratic Legitimacy: Impartiality, Reflexivity, Proximity, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, [2008] 2011), pp. 155–9.

      9  9 The formula comes from Vladislav Surkov, a Russian businessman and politician who played the role of organic intellectual and spin doctor for Putin in the 2000s.

      10 10 Carl Schmitt (1888–1985) was one of the great German legal scholars of the twentieth century. With his well-buttressed critiques of liberalism and the parliamentary system, he championed a realist vision of politics (defined as conflict between friends and enemies) and of a racist and unanimist conception of “the people.” His evolution toward National Socialism helped discredit his thought, but he was “rediscovered” in the 1980s by a far right seeking intellectual forerunners and by a far left fascinated by his anti-liberal radicality and his cult of force.

      11 11 On this point, see Philippe Urfalino, “Un nouveau décisionnisme politique: La philosophie du populisme de gauche,” Archives de philosophie 82, no. 2 (2019): 291–312. We need to recall here that the critique of the “debating classes” has been a red thread running through the type of anti-liberal thought (which would be called far-rightist today) that went from Donoso Cortés through Maurice Barrès and Charles Maurras to Carl Schmitt. It is also the root of the anti-intellectualism that animated all these authors. For them, the logic of intellectuals had to defer to the instinct of the humble, the only force that expressed the proper relation to reality.

      12 12 This definition is proffered explicitly by Alain de Benoist in The Problem of Democracy, translated from the French (London: Arktos, [1985] 2011).

      13 13 Hugo Chávez, inaugural address, 2007, cited in Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser¸ Populism: A Very Short Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), p. 17. (I have modified the translation slightly based on the original Spanish. Chávez cited these two sentences verbatim from an official communication sent by Simón Bolívar to the governing council in Magdalena, Colombia, on April 27, 1826. See Simón Bolívar, Doctrina del Libertador, prologue Augusto Mijares, ed. Manuel Perez Vila, 2nd edn. [Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1979], p. 224. –Translator’s note)

3
A MODE OF REPRESENTATION: A LEADER EMBODYING THE PEOPLE

      Since the mid-twentieth century, Latin American populism has illustrated in exemplary fashion this constitutive dimension of today’s populisms. The phenomenon is not surprising, for populism has emerged in less-industrialized countries that were structured not so much around a class system as around landownership and oligarchic forms of domination. The opposition between the people and the elites was thus the most telling one for a great many citizens. It was in this context that the theme of a leader embodying the people appeared. “I am not a man, I am a people”: these words, insistently repeated in the 1930s and 1940s by Colombian leader Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, set the tone for later populisms throughout the continent.3 Gaitán’s profile is worth lingering over, so well does it express the ambiguities of that nascent populism; Gaitán was as vehemently opposed to capitalism as he was attracted to the European fascisms that were then on the rise. Studying in Rome in 1926–7, he wrote a thesis under the direction of Enrico Ferri, a celebrated criminologist who had shifted from socialism to fascism. Having become Ferri’s protégé, Gaitán attended several of Mussolini’s meetings and later avowed that he had been impressed by that leader’s ability to dominate his audience and energize a crowd. He even carefully studied Il Duce’s gestures and the way he modulated his tone of voice to hold his audience’s attention – techniques that Gaitán went on to reproduce in his political action in Colombia. “The people’s candidate” in presidential elections, both an anti-capitalist and an adversary of the traditional oligarchy, Gaitán was assassinated in 1948. (We shall return to his writings later on.) Since then, his name has come to symbolize the Latin American spirit of populism, in its language as well as in its anti-oligarchic stance, with all the attendant ambiguities. Gaitán was admired by both Fidel Castro and Juan Perón; the latter also sought to become the Leader Embodying the People and spoke of “depersonalization” to characterize the plans that the revolution had embedded in him;4 implying that his individuality was being absorbed by that of the Argentineans.

      when you see me, I feel it, something tells me: “Chávez, you are no longer Chávez, you are a people.” In effect I am no longer myself, I am a people and I follow you, that is how I experience it, I have embodied myself in you. I have said it before and I say it again: we are millions of Chávezes; you too, a Venezuelan woman, you are Chávez; you too, a Venezuelan soldier, you are Chávez; you too, a fisherman, a farmer, a businessman, you are Chávez. Because Chávez is no longer myself. Chávez is a whole people!5

      Thus was reborn the old idea of mirror representation.6 In his first speech after his inauguration as president of the Republic in 1999, he went so far as to tell his audience: “Today, I am turning myself into your instrument. As for me, I scarcely exist, and I shall carry out the mandate you have entrusted to me. Get ready to govern!”7

      Until fairly recently, the examples of populism from Latin America still had an “exotic” aspect. But the increasing strength of populisms clearly shows that appreciation of the leader as “embodying the people” belongs to a vision of political representation that characterizes populisms in general. During the 1995 French presidential campaign, the Front National put


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